Participation Rates
How often members are recorded as not voting — and what that number cannot tell you.
By Dallas AI Metrics, LLC · Analysis as of 2026-08-04 · Computed from 440 roll calls across 526 members · Methodology
When a member of Congress is present for a roll call but does not vote, or is not present at all, the record shows "Not Voting." Counting those records produces a participation rate.
It is one of the most frequently misused numbers in political coverage, so this page starts with what it does not mean.
Why the causes matter more than the count
The record is a single flag. It does not carry a reason, and the reasons differ enormously in what they say about a member.
Members miss votes because of serious illness — their own or a family member's. Because of a death in the family. Because of the birth of a child. Because of military reserve obligations. Because of official travel on a congressional delegation. Because of a weather-cancelled flight. Because they were in a committee hearing that ran past a floor vote. Because they were campaigning, including for another office. And, sometimes, because they chose not to be recorded on a difficult question.
Those are not the same behaviour, and no amount of arithmetic separates them. A member undergoing cancer treatment and a member avoiding a politically awkward vote produce identical rows in this dataset. Any reading of the table below that treats a high rate as evidence about a person's diligence, work ethic, or character is not supported by the data and is likely to be wrong about a real person.
What the number can legitimately show
Read as a distribution rather than a ranking, the data is genuinely informative.
The median tells you what normal looks like: the overwhelming majority of members are present for the overwhelming majority of votes. Congressional attendance is high, and the impression of widespread absenteeism that emerges from coverage of outliers is not accurate.
The outliers are real, but they are outliers, and there are usually few enough of them that each has a specific and individual explanation. That explanation is a matter for reporting, not for a table.
Who is excluded, and why it matters
The delegates representing the District of Columbia, American Samoa, Guam, the Northern Mariana Islands, Puerto Rico, and the U.S. Virgin Islands are excluded from this analysis entirely.
This is not a rounding decision. Delegates may vote in committee and, in the House, in the Committee of the Whole, but they cannot vote on final passage. On those questions the record shows them as not voting — every time, by operation of the rules governing their office.
Including them produces an attendance figure approaching one hundred percent "missed" for members who were present and working. That figure would describe the constitutional status of their constituents, not the conduct of the member, and publishing it would be straightforwardly false. Their exclusion here is a correctness requirement, not a convenience.
How the denominator is built
A member's rate is the share of roll calls they were eligible for that show a "Not Voting" record.
Eligibility matters. A member who joined mid-session does not appear in the record for votes held before they were sworn in, and those votes are excluded from their denominator rather than counted as absences. The same applies to members who left. Without this rule, every new arrival would appear to have a catastrophic attendance record, which is an artefact of arithmetic rather than a fact about them.
"Present" is a distinct record — a deliberate decision to be counted as attending while declining to take a position — and is not treated as an absence. It is a substantively different act and there are very few of them.
| # | Member | Party | State | Chamber | Not voting |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | Thomas Kean | R | New Jersey | House | 59.1% |
| 2 | Frederica Wilson | D | Florida | House | 49.5% |
| 3 | Nancy Mace | R | South Carolina | House | 40.9% |
| 4 | Seth Moulton | D | Massachusetts | House | 24.1% |
| 5 | Neal Dunn | R | Florida | House | 23.6% |
| 6 | Andy Biggs | R | Arizona | House | 22.3% |
| 7 | Anna Luna | R | Florida | House | 19.1% |
| 8 | Daniel Goldman | D | New York | House | 18.2% |
| 9 | Ralph Norman | R | South Carolina | House | 18.2% |
| 10 | Elise Stefanik | R | New York | House | 16.8% |
| 11 | Dan Crenshaw | R | Texas | House | 14.5% |
| 12 | Wesley Hunt | R | Texas | House | 13.2% |
| 13 | Paul Gosar | R | Arizona | House | 12.7% |
| 14 | Janice Schakowsky | D | Illinois | House | 12.7% |
| 15 | Andrew Ogles | R | Tennessee | House | 12.7% |
| 16 | Ruben Gallego | D | Arizona | Senate | 12.5% |
| 17 | Maria Salazar | R | Florida | House | 11.8% |
| 18 | Jonathan Jackson | D | Illinois | House | 11.8% |
| 19 | Randy Fine | R | Florida | House | 11.4% |
| 20 | Andrew Clyde | R | Georgia | House | 11.4% |
If you are looking at a specific member
The rate is a prompt for a question, never an answer to one. If a member's figure looks high, the useful next steps are to check when the missed votes were clustered, whether they fall in a contiguous block suggesting a single extended cause, and what public reporting exists for that period.
A cluster usually indicates one event. A rate spread evenly across the year indicates something different. Neither pattern, on its own, supports a conclusion about why.
Every exclusion and counting rule applied here is documented in the methodology. If you believe a figure on this page is wrong, tell us — we would rather correct it than defend it.